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The conflict between those, like Karl Pearson, who followed
a Galtonian model of inheritance and those, like Bateson, who
adopted a Mendelian model, is well known to students of genetics.
Although Pearson appeared to have some clues about how Galton's
data might be explained on Mendelian principles, it fell to
Ronald Fisher, in 1918, to provide the first coherent and general
account of how the ``correlations between relatives'' could be
explained ``on the supposition of Mendelian inheritance.'' Fisher
assumed what is now called the polygenic
model, that is, he
assumed the variation observed for a trait such as stature was caused
by a large number of individual genes, each of which was inherited in
strict conformity to Mendel's laws. By describing the effects of the
environment, assortative mating, and non-additive gene action
mathematically, Fisher was able to show remarkable consistency between
Pearson's own correlations between relatives for stature and a
strictly Mendelian mechanism of inheritance. Some of the ideas first
expounded by Fisher will be the basis of our treatment of
biometrical genetics (Chapter 3).
In the same general era we witness the seeds of two other strands of
thought which continue to be influential today. Charles Spearman,
adopting Galton's idea that a correlation
between variables might reflect a common underlying causal factor,
began to explore the pattern of correlations between multiple measures
of ability. So began the tradition of multivariate analysis which
was, for much of psychology at least, embodied chiefly in the method
of factor analysis which sought the latent variables responsible for
the observed patterns of correlation between multiple variables. The
notion of multiple factors, introduced through the work of Thurstone,
and the concept of factor rotation to simple structure, provided
much of the early conceptual and mathematical foundation for the
treatment of multivariate systems to be discussed in this book.
Sewall Wright, whose long and
distinguished career spans all of the six decades which have seen the
explosion of genetics into the most influential of the life sciences,
was the founding father of American population genetics. His seminal
paper on path analysis, published in 1921
established a parallel stream of thought to that created by Fisher in
1918. The emphasis of Fisher's work lay in the formulation of a
mathematical theory which could reconcile observations on the
correlation between relatives with a model of particulate inheritance.
Wright, on the other hand, was less concerned with providing a theory
which could integrate two views of genetic inheritance than he was with
developing a method for exploring ways in which different causal
hypotheses could be expressed in a simple, yet testable, form. It is
not too gross an oversimplification to suggest that the contributions
of Fisher and Wright were each stronger where the other was weaker.
Thus, Fisher's early paper established an explicit model for how the
effects and interaction of large numbers of individual genes could be
resolved in the presence of a number of different theories of mate
selection. On the other hand, Fisher showed very little interest in
the environment, choosing rather to conceive of environmental effects
as a random variable uncorrelated between relatives. Fisher's
environment is what we have called the ``within family'' environment,
which seems appropriate for the kinds of anthropometric variables that
Fisher and his predecessors chose to illustrate the rules of
quantitative inheritance. However, it seems a little less defensible,
on a priori grounds, as a model for the effects of environment
on what Pearson (1904)
called ``the
mental and moral characteristics of man'' or those habits and
lifestyles that might have a significant impact on risk for
disease. By contrast, Wright's approach virtually ignored the
subtleties of gene action, considering only additive genetic
effects and treating them as a statistical aggregate which owed
little to the laws of Mendel beyond the fact that offspring
received half their genes from their mother and half from their
father. On the other hand, Wright's strategy made it much easier
to specify familial environmental effects, especially those
derived from the social interaction of family members.
Next: 4 Integration of the
Up: 6 The Context of
Previous: 2 19th Century Origins
  Index
Jeff Lessem
2002-03-21