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The data we have analyzed are restricted to parental checklist reports
of their twin children's behavior problems, without the benefit of
self reports, teachers' reports or clinical interviews. As such, they
are limited by the ability of parents to provide reliable and valid
integrative assessments of their children, using cursorily defined
concepts like `Sulks a lot,' `Worrying,' or `Fears going to school.'
It is clear from meta-analyses of intercorrelations of ratings of
children by different types informants that while the level of
agreement between mothers and fathers is often moderate (e.g.,
yielding correlations around .5 to .6) the level of agreement between
parents and other informants (e.g., parent with child or parent with
teacher) is modest and generally yields a correlation around 0.2 to
0.3 (Achenbach et al., 1987). Thus, parental consistency in
evaluating their children does not guarantee cross situational
validity, although it does provide evidence that ratings of behavior
observable by parents are not simply reflecting individual rater
biases. In assessing the importance of the home environment on
children's behavior this becomes a critical issue since studies of
children's behavior based on ratings by a single individual in each
family, e.g., the mother, confound the rater bias with the influence
of the home environment. This may have the dual effect of inflating
global estimates of the home environment's influence while at the same
time either attenuating the relationship between objective indices of
the environment and children's behavior (which is being assessed by a
biased observer) or spuriously augmenting apparent relationships which
are in fact relationships between environmental indices and maternal
or paternal rating biases.
An issue distinguishable from that of bias is that of behavior
sampling or situational specificity. Thus maternal and paternal
ratings of children may differ not because of the tendency of
individual parents to rate children in general as more or less
problematic (bias), but because they are exposed to different samples
of behavior. If this is so, then treating informants' ratings as if
they were assessing a common phenotype, albeit in a biased or
unreliable way, will be misleading. It is of considerable
psychological importance to know whether different observers are being
presented with different behaviors. The approach outlined in this
chapter first enables us to examine the adequacy of the assumption
that different informants are assessing the same behaviors and then,
if that assumption is deemed adequate, to separate the contributions
of rater bias and unreliability from the genetic and environmental
contribution to the common behavioral phenotype. For our particular
example, all the models fit our data adequately and the bias model,
even in its restricted version, does not fit significantly worse than
the psychometric or biometric models.
Although not presented here, there is some evidence that for
externalizing behavior mothers and fathers cannot be assumed to be
simply assessing the same phenotype with bias. In this context it is
worth noting, however, that the adequacy of the assumption that
parents are assessing the same phenotype in their children does not
imply a high parental correlation (which may be lowered by bias and
unreliability) and, conversely, even though parents may be shown to be
assessing different phenotypes in their children to a significant
degree the parental correlation in assessments may predominate over
variance specific to a given parent. Our comparison of the bias with
the psychometric and biometric models provides important evidence of
the equivalence of the internalizing behaviors assessed by mothers and
fathers using this instrument. This equivalence does not preclude
bias or unreliability and the evidence presented in
Table 11.4 provides a striking illustration of the impact
of these sources of variation on maternal or paternal assessments. A
shared environmental component which might be estimated to account for
34% of variance if mothers' ratings alone were considered, may
correspond to only 20% of the variance when maternal biases have been
removed. Similarly, a non-shared environmental variance component of
19% of variance may correspond to 9% of variance in individual
differences between children that can be consistently rated by both
parents. Finally, once allowance has been made for bias and
inconsistency or unreliability, the estimated heritability rises from
47% to 70% in this case.
We have not been concerned here to seek the most parsimonious submodel
within each of the model types. We should be aware that although we
have, for the younger children, presented the full models with sex
limitation, differences between boys and girls are not necessarily
significant (for example, although the biometric model without sex
limitation fit our data significantly worse than the corresponding
model allowing for sex limitation (
, ), the
overall fit without sex limitation is still adequate,
). Furthermore, individual parameter estimates reported for our
full models may not depart significantly from zero. Other limitations
of the method are that it does not allow for interaction effects
between parents and children and, in our application, assumed the independence of
maternal and paternal biases. The analysis of parental bias under
this model requires that both parents rate each of two children.
Distinguishing between correlated parental biases and shared
environmental influences would require a third, independent, rater
(e.g., a teacher); thus we cannot rule out a contribution of
correlated biases to our estimates of the remaining shared family
environmental influence.
The final caveat against overinterpretation of particular parameter
estimates is that we have reported analyses for families in which both
parents have returned a questionnaire and we have made no distinction
between different biological or social parental statuses. Clearly, we
anticipate that the inclusion and exclusion criteria are not neutral
with respect to children's behavior problems and their perception by
parents. However, we have illustrated that behavior genetic analyses
are possible even when we have to rely on ratings by observers,
providing that we have at least two degrees of relatedness among those
being rated (e.g., MZ and DZ twins). Without an approach of this sort
we have no way of establishing whether parents are assessing the same
behaviors in their children and whether analyses will spuriously
inflate estimates of the shared environment as much as parental biases
inflate the correlations for pairs of twins independent of zygosity.
Extension of the model to include other raters, for example, teachers,
is straightforward.
Next: Bibliography
Up: 2 Models for Multiple
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Jeff Lessem
2002-03-21